August 20, 2017
MY CORNER by Boyd Cathey
Can Americans Unify? Can there Ever
be Unity with those who Desire your Extinction?
Friends,
All
over the news you hear various anguished personalities, political and
otherwise, with pained expressions on their faces, voices trembling, even a
furtive tear or two, pleading for national unity. “Can’t we all get along,”
they mumble, echoing words uttered decades ago by Rodney King. (Remember him
from the violence in the streets of Los Angeles?).
But
I have a question, and it seems to me to be absolutely central: “Unite around
what?” What is that principle or foundation of beliefs around which we should
unify? If we posit a series of beliefs, a credo, which we hold as fundamental,
and if we hold that those principles and vision for a just society come to us
as a precious legacy from our ancestors and from our Western Christian
traditions, will there be—can there be—any agreement, any unity with those who
openly and forcefully reject that foundation and those essential principles as
irretrievably laced with and poisoned by
racism, sexism, homophobia, and “white privilege,” not to mention hints of “fascism”
and other not-so-pleasant “isms”?
The
American republic was formed through a kind of understood compromise between
the colonies; the Authors of our constitutional system fully comprehended that
there were diverse elements and interests that must be balanced to make the new
nation at all workable. But in 1787 there was enough essential agreement on
fundamentals that a seemingly miraculous result was possible. Yet, those
far-sighted men also feared what might happen should that which they created be
perverted or turned from its original propositions. The central Federal government was
counter-balanced and limited by newly and fiercely independent states which
jealously guarded a large portion of their own sovereignty. Voting was
universally restricted to those considered most qualified to exercise the
franchise, usually based on a property freehold. Universal suffrage was considered by the near totality of the Fathers
of our Constitution to be a sure means of destroying the young republic:
absolute democracy and across-the-board egalitarianism--equality--were considered fatal
for the future of the country. Such views were sidelined to the periphery,
without practical voice in the running of the commonwealth.
The
American republic was, in all but name, a “Christian” republic. Certainly, the
basic documents of our founding did not formally state as much. There was no
formal national “religious establishment,” as existed in almost all European
countries. Yet, despite that lack of national confessionality, the new nation,
while demanding freedom for religious
expression, professed de facto the
Christian faith as a kind of understood basis of the new nation. As is often
pointed out, almost immediately after adopting the Bill of Rights in 1791
(authored, ironically, by slaveholder James Madison), including the “freedom of
religion” First Amendment, Congress
provided for paid Christian chaplains in the new Northwest Territories. Even
more confirming is the fact that nearly every one of the original thirteen
colonies/new states had a “religious establishment” or religious test of some
sort on the state level, and those establishments were left completely
untouched by the First Amendment, which was understood to mean only the formal
establishment of a national supported
state church.
Above
all, there existed amongst the new Americans the ability to converse and
communicate with each other, using the same language, and employing the same
symbols and imagery that had brought them together originally as a country.
Appeals to traditional English law and the historic “rights of Englishmen,” the
belief in a God of the Old and New Testament whose prescriptions found in Holy
Writ informed both the laws of the state and the understanding of justice and
virtue, and an implicit, if not explicit, agreement that there were certain
limits of thought and action beyond which one could not go without endangering
the republican experiment, formed a kind of accepted public orthodoxy. Alexis de Tocqueville documented this in his classic work, Democracy in America (1835).
That
modus vivendi—that ability to get
along and agree on most essentials—continued, sometimes fitfully, until 1861.
The bloody War Between the States that erupted that year might have been
avoided if the warnings of the Authors of the Constitution had been heeded, if
the Federal executive in 1861 had understood the original intentions of 1787
and the precarious structural balance that the Philadelphia Convention had
erected. But that was not the case, and four years of brutal war followed, with
over half a million dead and thousands more maimed, and, most tragically, that
essential “via media” between an increasingly powerful central government and
the rights of the states and of communities, and eventually, of persons,
distorted and perverted.
The
resulting trajectory towards centralization, the growth of a powerful Federal
government, has continued nearly unabated for150 years. With it and with the
gradual destruction of not just the rights of the states, but also of
communities and persons, came the institutionalization of a large and mostly
unseen permanent bureaucracy, a managerial and political class, that took upon
itself the role of actually ruling and running the nation. James Burnham and
the late Samuel Francis have written profoundly on this creation of a
managerial state within the state.
Indeed, in more recent days we have come to label this establishment the
“Deep State.”
Concurrent
with this transformation governmentally and politically, our society and our
culture have equally been transformed. It is certainly arguable that the defeat
of the Confederate states in 1865, that is, the removal of what was essentially
a conservative and countervailing element in American polity, enabled the
nearly inevitable advance of a more “liberal” vision of the nation. At base, it
was above all the acceptance by post-war Americans of nearly all persuasions of
the Idea of Progress, the vision that “things”—events, developments in thought
and in the sciences and in culture, as well in governing—were inevitably moving
towards a bright new future. It was not so much to the past we would now look,
but to the “new,” which always lay ahead of us.
And that future was based squarely on the idea of an “enlightenment”
that always seemed to move to the political and cultural Left. While loudly
professing and pushing for more “openness” and more “freedom,” liberation from
the “straightjacket” of traditional religion and religious taboos, and
propounding equality in practically every field of public and private endeavor,
ironically, the underlying effect and result of this “progress” has brought
with it in reality a severe curtailment of not just many of our personal
liberties, but of the guaranteed rights once considered sacrosanct under our
old Constitution.
I
would argue, as well, that this long term, concerted movement, and eventual
triumph of nineteenth liberalism and twentieth century progressivism,
politically, culturally, and in our churches, not only placed into doubt those
essential and agreed-upon elements that permitted the country to exist in some
form of “unity,” but also enabled the growth of ideologies and belief systems
that, at base, rejected the very foundations, the fragile creed, of that
origination.
In
one of the amazing turnarounds in history, the fall of Soviet Communism in
1991—hollowed out and decaying after years of boasting that it would “bury” the
West—witnessed almost concurrently the exponential growth and flourishing of an
even more insidious and seductive version of Marxism in the old Christian West,
in Europe and the United States. A century of the ravages and termite-like
devastation by liberalism and progressivist ideology had debilitated the
foundations—and the requisite will—to resist the attractions of a cultural
Marxism that eventually pervaded our culture, our education, our entertainment
industry, and our establishment religious thought. Older and gravely weakened
inherited standards and once-revered benchmarks of right and wrong, of justice,
of rights and duties, were replaced by what the Germans call a “gestalt,” or a
kind of settled overarching Marxist view of society and culture which had no
room for opposing views. Dr. Paul Gottfried has written extensively on this
phenomenon.
That
dogmatic vision now pervades our colleges and public education; it almost
totally dominates Hollywood; it controls the Democratic Party and large swathes
of the Republican Party; it speaks with ecclesiastical authority through the
heresiarchs who govern most of our churches; and, most critically, it provides
a linguistic template—an approved language—that must be accepted and employed,
lest the offender be charged with “hate speech” or “hate thought.” Its
goals—the imposition of a beguiling but ultimately phony democracy not just in
the United States but across the face of the globe—the legislation of an
across-the-board equality which is reminiscent of the kind of “equality” the
pigs in Orwell’s Animal Farm
“legislated”—the perpetuation of a largely unseen, unanswerable, unstoppable
managerial and political class, secure in its power and omnipotence—the
proclamation of the United State (and Europe) as an “open nation with no
physical borders”—have been and are being realized.
It
is this overlay, this suffocating ideological blanket, with its dogmas of
multicultural political correctness, its anathematization of perceived
“racism,” “sexism,” homophobia,” “nativism,” and other characterized forms of
“bigotry” as unforgivable sins, that now has assumed near total dominance in
our society. The older forms of liberalism were incapable of offering effective
opposition, for cultural Marxism utilized liberalism’s own arguments to essentially
undo it, and eventually, absorb it.
Yet,
there were and are still millions of Americans—and Europeans—who have been left
behind, not yet swept up in that supposedly ineluctable movement to the Left.
They are variously labeled the “deplorables,” or perhaps if they do not share
completely the reigning presumptions of the Mainstream Media and academia, they
are “bigots” or “yahoos,” uninformed “rednecks,” and, increasingly, maybe
“white nationalists,” or worse. The prevailing utter condescension and contempt
for them by the established Deep State would make the most severe witch-burner
of the 17th century envious.
So,
again, I ask: unify around what? Unite with whom? On what basis and on what set
of fundamental beliefs and principles? Can there be such unity with those who
wish your extinction and replacement?
Frankly,
I don’t think so…unless millions have a “road to Damascus” conversion, or some
major conflagration occurs to radically change hearts and minds.
If there is any resilience left amongst those who refuse such "unity," then their answer--our answer--must be: we shall resist you and defeat you, and send you back to the bowels of Hell from which you come.
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