September 13, 2017
MY CORNER by Boyd Cathey
Pope Francis, the
Universality of Revolution, and the Corruption of Conservatism
Friends,
Last
night as I thought about composing this commentary, I decided to write briefly
about the latest inanities that had come forth from the flailing lips of Pope
Francis, specifically regarding President Trump’s action on Obama’s
unconstitutional DACA Executive Order on illegals and on the president’s views
of climate change. As a traditional Catholic, myself, I have stopped being
surprised by the off the wall, utterly indefensible comments that the Pontiff
makes, usually while speaking “informally” to reporters as he scoots about by
plane from this country to that. His opinion that it is “not Christian” to
oppose illegal immigration and to question climate change indicates a man of
limited intelligence submerged in the defecated detritus of currently
fashionable Leftist ideology. Divine assistance certainly hasn’t aided him in
these matters!
More
significant for me, however—and for any Catholic who takes his faith
seriously—have been Francis’ “pastoral” implementations, his “declarations” and
his patently obvious moves to cleverly “go around doctrine,” to achieve in
“practice” what in “doctrine” would be considered clearly and openly denying
the Church’s consistently taught faith of centuries. By definition this is theological Modernism,
that is, the praxis of undermining and denial not by a formal
opposition to a defined doctrine—which would indicate to all that the denier
had excluded himself from the Communion of the faithful—but by a “practical”
or pastoral application of heretical and
condemned precepts and views.
Pope
St. Pius X, only a century ago, defined Modernism as the “summation of all
previous heresies,” which is based on a lie, and that “lie” encompasses and
subverts every aspect of the faith, from the destruction of the Church’s
millennial liturgy to make it sound and seem more “progressive,” to appointing
liberals and leftists to high clerical positions (including a whole slew of
less-than-orthodox bishops), to a wink-and-a-nod to “situational ethics” (on
everything from divorce to same sex marriage). Thus, after several generations
of Modernism, it really won’t matter what the formal teachings of the Church are—from
the pew to the pulpit to the halls of the Vatican those teachings will, at
best, simply be ignored, or at worst, ambiguously redefined beyond recognition.
The
revolution within the Catholic Church is not unique, it has occurred and is
happening in all major denominations with varying degrees of success—from its
near total victories in Anglicanism, and in mainstream Methodism and
Presbyterianism, but with less success in Eastern Orthodoxy and among Southern
Baptists. Still, like a virulent cancer, the madness of raging theological Modernism,
“liberation theology,” and “social justice” liberalism, never stop, never slow
down. Their entire reason for existence is wrapped up in and consumed by their
relentless attempts to subvert, convert and pervert the traditional Faith of
Christianity. For they understand what the
anti-Christian Rationalist Voltaire said of the historic Faith 250 years ago:
“Le Christianisme! Ecrasez l’infame!” “Christianity—Crush
the loathsome thing!” And to achieve that goal no tactic, no subversive
maneuver, no false face, no lie is off limits.
The
“auto-destruction” of the Church mirrors an analogous subversion and transformation
that has occurred in nearly every aspect of human life. Just as in our
religious institutions which are at the base of our historic civilization,
“cultural Marxism” has waged an unceasing and highly successful campaign to
infiltrate and deform our cultural and educational institutions. In other
words, the Revolution we behold is universal, it affects every facet of our
existence and every field of human endeavor. And it is, let us be frank,
“Evil.”
This
universality of “Evil on the march” must be clearly understood and comprehended
by those who resolve to oppose it. Collaborationism or averting one’s eyes from
the contagion, from what is happening, is no excuse, as Holy Scripture makes
certain. We are called, in grace, to face the Enemy and to do combat.
The
greatest success, the most significant conquest, of our enemies has been to
firmly implant in our thinking as an uncontestable truth the progressivist
“Idea of Progress”—the belief in the unalterable and continuing march of
humanity to greater “enlightenment” by throwing off the “chains and restraints”
of traditional morality and inherited custom
and law, and the embrace of an increasingly expansive egalitarianism and “liberal
democracy” (which in actuality is a mirage, a useful myth, leading to the loss
of liberties and eventual enslavement). These are our “new truths,” dissent
from which is not permitted.
Thus,
our supposed champions in the political arena—most Republican leaders and most
in the established “conservative movement”—implicitly accept that template,
that mindset, if not agreeing to it explicitly. And when the leaders of the
opposition accede to not only the terms of combat but the very objectives of
the enemy, the outcome of the battle, of the war, would appear pretty much
determined from the beginning.
This
morning I pass on an excellent column by Dr. Jack Kerwick which examines the intellectual
corruption of what passes for “establishment conservatism.” In a very real and
practical sense, movement conservatism has become the “useful idiot” for the
advancing progressivist Revolution; first, after only half-heartedly opposing
the latest revolutionary change, it “begrudgingly accepts” it as inevitable,
then it attempts to rationalize it, even prove that it can be seen as
“conservative.” Thus, we observe the specter of the odious Jonah Goldberg or
George Will, who once supposedly “opposed” same sex marriage, but who then
“begrudgingly accepted it,” and now finally, justify it and claim that it is,
after all, “conservative.” So, you see, “conservatism has actually won!” And
they have done this repeatedly, most especially in sanctifying and confirming
every latest barbarism that we are continually informed is a victory for us,
when in fact, it represents the latest destruction of our historic culture and
civilization.
Lastly,
I resend several superb excerpts from the great Southern writer Robert Lewis
Dabney penned 130 years ago; although these form part of a larger and very
impressive critique of the campaign for women’s suffrage, they well apply to the
intellectual dross emitted from the kind of establishment “conservatism” we see
around us, on Fox, at The Weekly Standard
and National Review, or coming from
the less-schooled mouths of GOP congressional leaders.
Needy, Disavowing Conservatives
If ever
there was any proof needed that the left long ago won the so-called “cultural
wars,” it was supplied in spades this last month. And it was supplied by none
other than self-styled “conservatives.” Yet in proving that the left is
victorious, these “conservatives” also proved the truth of another proposition
by which some of us have been swearing for quite some time: They are
not now, nor have they ever been, genuine conservatives.
In the wake of Charlottesville,
“conservatives,” the men and women of the Fake Right, have been competing
ferociously with one another in a “disavowing”
contest. They have their sights set on the same prize that
“conservatives” covet more than any other: Acceptance by the left. Those
“conservatives” who make their living in academia, Washington D.C., and,
importantly, the media, ache to be embraced by their leftist
counterparts. Let’s call them “Needy Conservatives.”
You can always detect a Needy
Conservative by the topics on which he (or she) chooses to focus; the terms in
which the discussion of the topic is framed; and, perhaps most significantly of
all, the topics that he chooses to avoid discussing.
But, specifically, by far and away
the biggest give away that one has encountered a Needy Conservative is the
latter’s readiness to disavow “white
supremacy” or “white racism.”
Needy Conservatives are in a tough
spot. On the one hand, whether for votes or ratings, they need to
convince their constituents that they are real conservatives,
i.e. enemies of the left. On the other hand, they need to convince the
left that they are no less committed to the left’s ideals—namely, Equality—than
are leftists themselves.
These needs
on the part of Needy Conservatives account for why it is not uncommon to hear,
say, “conservative” talk radio hosts defending police against another spurious
charge of “racist” brutality vis-à-vis a criminal black suspect, while
qualifying his defense with assurances that he’s sensitive to the “racism” to
which blacks are supposedly subjected on a daily basis.
These needs
explain the propensity of Needy Conservative politicians and media
personalities to renounce Islamic regimes and Muslim terrorists for their
violations of “human rights,” “gay rights,” and “women’s rights.” Islamic
regimes and “Islamo-fascists” must be resisted because, in other words, they
are insufficiently progressive, i.e. insufficiently committed to advancing the
leftist understanding of Equality.
These needs account for why Needy
Conservatives, when they do think to speak to the pathologies plaguing the
black under and lower classes, scarcely ever, if at all, highlight the
astronomical quantity and often barbaric quality of black-on-nonblack crime.
Nearly
90 percent of interracial crime involves black perpetrators and nonblack victims.
Yet Needy Conservatives, so as to avoid the risk of being cast from Respectable
(leftist) Society, choose to focus instead on black-on-black crime. This way, they can frame
their critique so as to make it appear that it reflects, not any prejudice or anger
on the part of Needy Conservatives, but his compassion for…blacks.
These needs
make sense of why Needy Conservatives, rather than subject the indiscriminately
applied term “racism” to the rational interrogation that it richly deserves,
prefer instead to engage in the characteristically leftist tactic of charging
others with it. Hence, Needy Conservatives are forever reminding
contemporary Democrats that, historically, it was their party that served as
the first home of the Ku Klux Klan, Jim Crow, etc. And they constantly
blame Democrats for “racist” policies like high taxes, “affirmative action,”
welfare, and teachers’ unions that, allegedly, account for why black areas in
Democrat-controlled cities all over the country are economic wastelands and warzones.
These needs explain why it is that
Needy Conservatives, while trying to sound tough on immigration, spare no
occasion to signal to the left that they are all in favor of legal
immigration. And, to hear these Needy Conservatives tell it,
there is no point at which they would oppose immigration—from anywhere—as long
as it’s legal!
We could
easily expand on this list of examples of the neediness of Needy Conservatives.
Most
recently, though, as was mentioned, Needy Conservatives betrayed their twin needs
when they expressly and repeatedly “disavowed” those who the leftist press
calls “white supremacists.” They exposed their neediness when they
castigated President Trump for, supposedly, failing to do the same—or at least
failing to “disavow” “white supremacists” with the same “moral clarity”
possessed by Needy Conservatives.
Five
comments are in order here.
First, the Needy Conservative’s need
to be embraced by both his more conservative constituents and his counterparts
on the left is undoubtedly psychological as much as it is professional: The
Needy Conservative wants to genuinely be respected, or at least not looked down
upon, by his leftist peers in
Congress and/or the (predominantly leftist) media.
Second,
because the Needy Conservative chooses the path of least resistance; because he
favors profits (or votes) and social respectability over and above truth and
real virtue—specifically, the virtue of courage, the courage to correct errors
and combat evil, however unpopular and unpleasant these tasks may be—the Needy
Conservative’s positions on the aforementioned issues amount to so much moral
window-dressing. He has purchased virtue on the cheap.
Thirdly, it
should be obvious that Needy Conservatives, in couching their positions in
terms of the left’s ideological framework, strengthen the left’s hold over our
politics and culture. Less obvious, perhaps, is that Needy Conservatives
are equally guilty on this score insofar as they continually “disavow” “white
supremacy.”
Neither
since Charlottesville nor at any time before then have I ever disavowed the Ku
Klux Klan, neo-Nazis, or any other species of “white supremacy.” I never
disavowed these things for the same reason that I never disavowed ISIS; whale
gutting in the Arctic; breast feeding; black, brown, yellow, and red
“supremacy”; Hinduism; and a practically limitless number of other entities and
activities.
I never disavowed such things because I
never avowed them in
the first place.
When Needy Conservatives disavow
“white supremacy,” they imply that they—and, by extension, all
conservatives—have cause to distance themselves from “white
supremacists.” After all, white leftists are never called upon to disavow
“white supremacy.”
Donald Trump
has never been called upon to disavow any of the Democrats with whom he
regularly buddied around before he ran for the presidency as a Republican. Nor
has he been expected to disavow rape, say, because a convicted rapist, Mike
Tyson, endorsed his presidential candidacy.
No, Trump has been called upon by his enemies in both
parties to
disavow only “white supremacy.” This is because they know that his
disavowal, like that of every Needy Conservative, conveys the tacit impression
that there had existed a relationship that needed to be repudiated.
The
disavowal, in this context, conjures the impression of a severing of
ties. Subtly, it comes dangerously close to an apology, an admission of
guilt.
Fourthly,
the Needy Conservative, as I already noted, through his adoption of leftist
terms and tactics and his disavowals of “white supremacy,” further ensconces
leftist ideology into the fabric of the culture. Yet his disavowals also
reinforce the leftist lie that conservatives are intrinsically “racist.”
Finally, all
of this moral grandstanding and PC preening is for naught, for at the end of
the day, when it suits the left’s purposes to declare it so, Needy
Conservatives will once again become the “racist,” “sexist,” “homophobic,”
“Islamophobic,” and “xenophobic” reprobates for which the left has always seen
them.
Jack Kerwick [send him
mail] received his
doctoral degree in philosophy from Temple University. His area of
specialization is ethics and political philosophy. He is a professor of
philosophy at several colleges and universities in New Jersey and Pennsylvania.
Jack blogs atBeliefnet.com: At the Intersection of Faith & Culture.
From Robert Lewis Dabney:
"It may be inferred again that the
present movement for women's rights, will certainly prevail from the history of
its only opponent, Northern conservatism. This is a party which never conserves
anything. Its history has been that it demurs to each aggression of the
progressive party, and aims to save its credit by a respectable amount of
growling, but always acquiesces at last in the innovation. What was the
resisted novelty of yesterday is to-day one of the accepted principles of
conservatism; it is now conservative only in affecting to resist the next
innovation, which will to-morrow be forced upon its timidity, and will be
succeeded by some third revolution, to be denounced and then adopted in its
turn. American conservatism is merely the shadow that follows Radicalism as it
moves forward towards perdition. It remains behind it, but never retards it,
and always advances near its leader. This pretended salt hath utterly lost its
savor: wherewith shall it he salted? Its impotency is not hard, indeed, to
explain. It is worthless because it is the conservatism of expediency only, and
not of sturdy principle. It intends to risk nothing serious, for the sake of
the truth, and has no idea of being guilty of the folly of martyrdom. It
always—when about to enter a protest—very blandly informs the wild beast whose
path it essays to stop, that its "bark is worse than its bite," and
that it only means to save its manners by enacting its decent rôle of
resistance. The only practical purpose which it now subserves in American
politics is to give enough exercise to Radicalism to keep it "in
wind," and to prevent its becoming pursy and lazy from having nothing to
whip. No doubt, after a few years, when women's suffrage shall have become an
accomplished fact, conservatism will tacitly admit it into its creed, and
thenceforward plume itself upon its wise firmness in opposing with similar
weapons the extreme of baby suffrage; and when that too shall have been won, it
will be heard declaring that the integrity of the American Constitution
requires at least the refusal of suffrage to asses. There it will assume, with
great dignity, its final position."
------------
"The very axioms of American politics now are, that "all
men are by nature
equal," that all are inalienably "entitled to liberty and the
pursuit of happiness," and that "the only just foundation of
government is in the consent of the governed.'' There was a
sense in which our fathers propounded these statements; but
it is not the one in which they are now held by Americans. Our
recent doctors of political science have retained these formularies
equal," that all are inalienably "entitled to liberty and the
pursuit of happiness," and that "the only just foundation of
government is in the consent of the governed.'' There was a
sense in which our fathers propounded these statements; but
it is not the one in which they are now held by Americans. Our
recent doctors of political science have retained these formularies
of words as convenient masks under which to circulate a
set of totally different, and Indeed antagonistic notions; and
they have succeeded perfectly. The new meanings of which the
"Whigs" of 1776 never dreamed are now the current ones. Those
wise statesmen meant to teach that all men are morally equal
in the sense of the Golden Rule: that while individual traits,
rights, and duties vary widely in the different orders of political
society, these different rights all have some moral basis;
that the inferior has the same moral title (that of a common humanity
and common relation to a benignant Heavenly Father)
to have his rights—the rights of an inferior—duly respected,
which the superior has to claim that his very different rights
shall be respected.
set of totally different, and Indeed antagonistic notions; and
they have succeeded perfectly. The new meanings of which the
"Whigs" of 1776 never dreamed are now the current ones. Those
wise statesmen meant to teach that all men are morally equal
in the sense of the Golden Rule: that while individual traits,
rights, and duties vary widely in the different orders of political
society, these different rights all have some moral basis;
that the inferior has the same moral title (that of a common humanity
and common relation to a benignant Heavenly Father)
to have his rights—the rights of an inferior—duly respected,
which the superior has to claim that his very different rights
shall be respected.
The modern version is that there are no superiors
or inferiors in society; that there is a mechanical equality;
that all have specifically all the same rights; and that
any other constitution is against natural justice. Next: when
our wise fathers said that liberty is an inalienable, natural
right, they meant by each one's liberty the privilege to do such
things as he, with his particular relations, ought to have a moral
or inferiors in society; that there is a mechanical equality;
that all have specifically all the same rights; and that
any other constitution is against natural justice. Next: when
our wise fathers said that liberty is an inalienable, natural
right, they meant by each one's liberty the privilege to do such
things as he, with his particular relations, ought to have a moral
title to do; the particular things having righteous, natural
limitations in every case, and much narrower limits in some
cases than in others.
limitations in every case, and much narrower limits in some
cases than in others.
Radical America now means by natural liberty
each one's privilege to do what he chooses to do. By the
consent of the governed our forefathers meant each Sovereign
Commonwealth's consenting to the constitution under which it
should be governed: they meant that it was unjust for Britain
to govern America without America's consent. Which part of
the human beings living in a given American State should constitute
each one's privilege to do what he chooses to do. By the
consent of the governed our forefathers meant each Sovereign
Commonwealth's consenting to the constitution under which it
should be governed: they meant that it was unjust for Britain
to govern America without America's consent. Which part of
the human beings living in a given American State should constitute
the State potentially, the populus whose franchise it was
to express the will of the commonwealth for all—that was in
their eyes wholly another question, to be wisely decided in
different States according to the structure which Providence had
given them. By "the consent of the governed" it would appeal
that Radicalism means it is entirely just for Yankeedom to govern
Virginia against Virginia's consent, and that it is not just
to govern any individual human being without letting him
vote for his governors. The utter inconsistency of the two parts
of this creed, is not ours to reconcile. It is certain that, both
parts (consistent or not) are firmly held as the American creed.
The version given to the maxim as to individual rights is universally
this: that natural justice requires that suffrage shall
be-coextensive with allegiance except where the right has been
forfeited by some crime (such as that which the men of 1861
committed in presuming to act on the principles of the men of
1776). To these errors the American people are too deeply committed
to evade any of their logical applications."
to express the will of the commonwealth for all—that was in
their eyes wholly another question, to be wisely decided in
different States according to the structure which Providence had
given them. By "the consent of the governed" it would appeal
that Radicalism means it is entirely just for Yankeedom to govern
Virginia against Virginia's consent, and that it is not just
to govern any individual human being without letting him
vote for his governors. The utter inconsistency of the two parts
of this creed, is not ours to reconcile. It is certain that, both
parts (consistent or not) are firmly held as the American creed.
The version given to the maxim as to individual rights is universally
this: that natural justice requires that suffrage shall
be-coextensive with allegiance except where the right has been
forfeited by some crime (such as that which the men of 1861
committed in presuming to act on the principles of the men of
1776). To these errors the American people are too deeply committed
to evade any of their logical applications."
---------
"...one must teach, with Moses, the Apostle Paul, John
Hampden, Washington, George Mason, John C. Calhoun, and all that contemptible
rabble of "old fogies," that political society is composed of
"superiors, inferiors, and equals"; that while all these bear an
equitable moral relation to each other, they have very different natural rights
and duties; that just government is not founded on the consent of the
individuals governed, but on the ordinance of God, and hence a share in the
ruling franchise is not a natural right at all, but a privilege to be bestowed
according to a wise discretion on a limited class having qualification to use
it for the good of the whole; that the integers out of which the State is
constituted are not individuals, but families represented in their parental
heads; that every human being is born under authority (parental and civic)
instead of being born "free" in the licentious sense that liberty is
each one's privilege of doing what he chooses; that subordination, and not that
license, is the natural state of all men; and that without such equitable
distribution of different duties and rights among the classes naturally
differing in condition, and subordination of some to others, and of all to the
law, society is as impossible as is the existence of a house without
distinction between the foundation stone and the cap-stones."
[From Dabney, "Womens' Rights Women" (from his Discussions,
pp. 491-493)]
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