August 1, 2018
MY CORNER by Boyd Cathey
The Rise of Populism, Nationalism, and Donald Trump: Two Critiques
of Jonah Goldberg’s New Book, The Suicide
of the West
Friends,
National
Review Senior Editor and regular Fox on-camera pundit,
Jonah Goldberg, has a new book out. And, like “little Ben” Shapiro (another semi-Never
Trump, “conservative” personality wildly popular with the brainless College GOP
crowd), his volume is being touted by Neoconservative writers and reviewers as “a
significant defense of Enlightenment liberal democratic values,” a “broadside
against the rise of populist and nationalist tendencies,” and a “clarion call
warning us of the dangers of fascism.” In other words: a not-so-indirect and not-so-subtle
broadside against the agenda advocated by Donald Trump and also arising
currently in Europe (e.g., Hungarian president Viktor Orban and his crackdown
on illegal immigration and his appeals to Hungarian patriotism, traditional Christianity,
and history; Vladimir Putin doing the same thing in Russia; Catholic Poland
defending itself against the globalist bureaucrats of the EU; Brexit in Great
Britain; etc.).
Goldberg, like the magazine(s) he writes for and
serves is a globalist, a proponent of what amounts to imposed (by us) international
liberal democracy and “American values.” For him the rise of conservative
populism and the recurrence to national, “tribalist” traditions is worrying…potential
sources of xenophobia, “racism” and “anti-semitism.” President Trump’s critique of NATO, his
willingness to “deal” with Russia and its president, his proposed raising of
American tariffs to protect American industry against exorbitantly unfair
Chinese competition, his seeming “deafness” when it comes to race and “civil
rights,” his bluster and “getting-down-dirty” with his plain speaking and
tweets, in short, the president’s unwillingness to stay on the reservation and take
orders at all times from the minions of the conservative faction of the Deep
State—these horrify Goldberg (and Shapiro, Mark Thyssen, Steve Hayes, A. B.
Stoddard, Glenn Beck, and all those talking heads who never wanted Trump, never
supported him, in the first place)…not to mention the political honchos and
insiders who continue to dominate the leadership of the Republican Party.
I have written about Goldberg previously [See MY
CORNER, April 26, 2018; http://boydcatheyreviewofbooks.blogspot.com/2018/04/april-26-2018-my-corner-by-boydcathey.html]
Like
Shapiro and Beck, he is one of the Neoconservatives I find most loathsome. I have
called him “pot-smoking, pot-bellied,” and I know, that’s getting personal and
not very flattering. I realize such a prejudicial view may color my judgment in
what I write about him. But I would be less than honest were I to pretend
otherwise.
Today I pass on two reviews of Goldberg’s
recently published book, The Suicide of
the West, which, as I say, is a veritable, scarcely-disguised attack on the
policies proposed (if not always carried out) by Donald Trump and various
rising popular and nationalist conservative movements in Europe. They are both
succinct essays and on the mark, one by my friend Paul Gottfried, the other by
Hubert Collins. And at the conclusion of
these pieces, I attach a short column by Pat Buchanan [“Will Tribalism Trump
Democracy?” July 31, 2018].
But before
that, I pass on a brief excerpt from my April 26 column which may help set the
narrative:
…[Jonah] Goldberg is a Senior Editor of
National Review, a widely-syndicated columnist, and a regular pundit on
Fox News. And he is archetypically representative of what is fatally
wrong with the conservative movement and its establishment, and why it is
destined in its present form not only to continued loss to its supposed liberal
and leftwing opponents, but in reality facilitates and enables those Leftist
victories.
How is it possible to truly offer opposition to your supposed enemies,
much less defeat them, if you begin by agreeing with them on essential
principles?
Two recent Goldberg columns illustrate this.
First, there is his column of April 6, 2018, in which he glorifies
Martin Luther King Jr. as someone whose life and message resembles nothing less
than the Second Coming. [https://townhall.com/columnists/jonahgoldberg/2018/04/06/like-lincoln-king-now-belongs-to-the-ages-n2468208?utm_source=thdaily&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=nl&newsletterad=]
According to Goldberg, “there is no
modern figure who more richly deserves to be placed at the heart of the
American story… [T]he generation of conservatives (though not necessarily Republicans,
who disproportionately voted for the Civil Rights Act) who wrongly opposed the
civil rights movement either out of misguided constitutionalism [sic!] or
simply out of archaic racism needed to die off before King's contribution could
be better appreciated across party lines.” [For a contrary view which starkly
illustrates Goldberg’s immense errancy and the implicit differences between his
Neoconservatism and a more traditional, constitutional conservatism, see my
detailed column on King, January 15, http://boydcatheyreviewofbooks.blogspot.com/2018/01/january-15-2018-my-corner-martin-luther.html,
which was also published by The
Unz Review, January 16, “Martin Luther King and the Perversion of American
History,” https://www.unz.com/article/martin-luther-king-day-and-the-perversion-of-american-history/]
Like the farther, even more radical Left, for Goldberg the very idea of
America is all wrapped up in the quest for Equality, and it took a necessary
and bloody “civil war” to expunge the sin of slavery and advance the quest to
eradicate “racism” from the American experience.
He writes:
“It was not until Lincoln delivered the Gettysburg Address that
the ideal embedded in the Declaration fully became both the plot and theme of
the American story. ‘Four score and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth,
on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the
proposition that all men are created equal.’ That idea, always present in
America's self-conception, became the heart of the American creed. But it was
not truly so until 100 years later, when King called upon Americans to live up
to the best versions of themselves.”
That narrative is historically erroneous and not based on the history,
formulation or writing of the Declaration of Independence, nor the explicit
meaning of that document or the Constitution, as historians Barry Alan Shain (Colgate
University) and the late Mel Bradford (University of Dallas) have carefully and
convincingly shown. Yet, as ideological template its implications have had
serious effects and disastrous results for the American nation.
Or, consider Goldberg’s column of April 20, “America Is Not As Intolerant As We
Make It Out to Be,” (https://www.nationalreview.com/2018/04/america-not-most-racist-sexist-nation-progress-made/#slide-1).
Once again Goldberg’s narrative
is straight out of the Progressivist playbook. In that column Jonah admits that
he had watched the Gay & Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation [GLAAD] Vanguard
Awards and had seen a video of Britney Spears’s acceptance of an award and her
praise of the group’s activities, adding:
“There was a time when I might have had a bit of
fun with Spears about some of the inconsistencies. But I’ve mellowed. It’s all
good. It was a nice speech, and she seemed sincerely honored to receive her
award and grateful for the support of her fans. Fine, fine.”
Of course, that is nothing new for Goldberg. In the past he has endorsed
same sex marriage and has been supportive of transgenderism and, at least
implicitly, gender fluidity: “Personally,
I have always felt that gay marriage was an inevitability…the rise of the HoBos
— the homosexual bourgeoisie — strikes me as good news.” [https://www.nationalreview.com/2010/12/gay-becomes-bourgeois-jonah-goldberg/]
And Goldberg is, like other Neocons, a globalist and a believer in
America’s “mission” to go round the world and impose those virtues of equality
and liberal democracy on all the millions of unenlightened and backward peoples
who cling to their guns and their traditions, to paraphrase
Barack Obama. And like many Neocons he was a NeverTrumper…and, in many regards,
still is: a zealous partisan of the Deep State, despite his protestations to
the contrary.
Goldberg’s views pass for standard conservative template these days,
whether on Fox News or in the pages of National Review or The Weekly
Standard, or emitted by any number of the various “conservative think
tanks” that spew out such ideological drivel.
Yet, there is growing discomfort among the grass roots, among those
“deplorables” who have listened to Goldberg and others like him for years…and
who have witnessed the deleterious results of years of “conservative activism”
and compliant Republican presidents and GOP majorities in Congress: things have
continued to worsen, to decay, our essential beliefs and moral laws have
continued to erode and disappear, and the conservative establishment and its
minions in Congress seem to be complicit in that process.
Whether the surprising election of outsider Donald Trump indicated a
lasting reaction against this seemingly irreversible movement historically, or
whether the Deep State, which now seeks to either displace the president or
surround him and derail the America First agenda, will continue to succeed, is
yet to be decided….
------------------------------------------------------
And now, let’s continue
to the two reviews of Goldberg’s latest opus:
__________________________
Gottfried on Goldberg: “Suicide Of The West”—Or Of "Conservatism"?
Paul
Gottfried May 16, 2018, 07:15 AM
I wrote a lot in the
early aughts about Jonah Goldberg’s apotheosis
at National Review in the wake
of William F. Buckley’s purge of
immigration patriots like John O’Sullivan and
VDARE.com Editor Peter Brimelow because I
regarded Goldberg as a symbol and a symptom of the intellectual and moral
degeneration of a magazine I once loved, and of the movement it purported to
lead. Indeed, I gather that my habit of referring to the
post-purge NR as “The Goldberg Review” caused Norman Podhoretz to
ostracize Brimelow, once his close ally in Manhattan conservative circles, an
unimaginable disaster for which I am deeply sorry. Subsequently, Goldberg apparently lost his
editorship of NRO for some trivial reason of girly-boy intrigue. But
Conservatism, Inc-ers never die. For his newest venture into deep thought,
Goldberg has crassly stolen the title of James Burnham’s great
work, Suicide of the
West, published in 1964 at the height of the Cold War.
That is where the similarity
ends. Unlike Burnham’s scalding indictment of liberalism
as “the ideology of Western suicide,” Goldberg’s
random opinions represent the very pathology that Burnham railed against.
Goldberg hates national identities (although
he makes an exception for Israel), opponents of the Deep State,
immigration patriots, and those who imagine that democracy has something to do
with the popular will. Rather his “conservative” view of democracy privileges
public administration, the operation of multinational corporations, and
socially sophisticated journalists such as himself.
One need only cite this passage from Burnham’s work to grasp
the extent to which Burnham might have been thinking of someone like Goldberg
when he described the quintessential liberal:
"Liberalism has always stressed change, reform, the break
with encrusted habit whether in the form of old ideas, old customs or old
institutions. Thus liberalism has been and continues to be primarily negative
in its impact on society: and in point of fact it is through its negative and
destructive achievements that liberalism makes its best claim to historical
justification."
By now, however, Burnham’s Leftist hallmarks are “conservative”
positions. After all, Goldberg’s book, which abounds in the Leftist
virtue-signaling mandatory for Main Stream Media Token Conservatives, is being
sold by “conservative” book clubs. It is also
featured in a Crown Forum Series devoted to
conservative thought (whose editor pointedly refused to correspond with me
about a book proposal).
For those who may doubt whether the author is an authorized
“conservative,” one need only turn to National
Review, a publication at which Goldberg still holds an
editorship, or else watch him jaw with other Fox News Allstars
as a designated “Man Of The Right.”
I regard
Goldberg as a prime example of the near-total ideological primacy of the Cultural Marxist Left. We are living in a time
and place in which what would be crazy-Left up until about two generations ago
is assigned a “Right-Wing” label, in order to keep alive a dialectic that is
transparently phony.
In about a ten-page digression into the nature of conservatism—his
entire book is really nothing more than a series of digressions—Goldberg identifies “conservatism”
with resisting Donald Trump. The U.S.
President, whom Goldberg with other Never-Trumpers has
inflexibly opposed, is described as a vulgar throwback to the 1930s “on both sides of the Atlantic.” People back
then (let’s guess who they were!) believed
“decadent Western capitalism and ‘Manchester liberalism’ were
inadequate to the challenges of the day.”
All of this coming from Goldberg is utter chutzpah,
considering that he now happily accepts massive social engineering in order to
overcome “discrimination” against certain groups.
His version of Suicide
Of The West indicts—in what by now is neoconservative ritual—Bismarck, the Prussian state and the
administrative model of late nineteenth century Germany. All these pernicious
forces allegedly laid the conceptual foundations of American managerial
democracy.
But in fact this development was by no means due mostly to
malignant Germans. Parallel developments took place at about the same time in
most Western states that had introduced universal suffrage and in which the
populace as well as political elites believed in a “science” of administration.
If Goldberg had deigned to read my book on the subject, After Liberalism
Mass Democracy in the Managerial State (which I
wouldn’t expect him to given my unpopularity among his employers), he might
have understood how widespread the growth of the democratic administrative
state was in the decade before the First World War. Curiously some of the most
zealous supporters of an expanded American welfare state, like Herbert
Croly, Thorstein Veblen, and (after a youthful infatuation with
Hegel) John Dewey, were by 1914
rabidly anti-German. In a heavily-researched study “World War One as
Fulfilment: Power and Intellectuals,” Murray
Rothbard showed how Anglo-American progressives presented World War One as a
struggle between their Social Democratic project and German authoritarians who
only pretended to believe in the same ideal.
Although Goldberg deplores the beginnings of our Administrative
State, he has no trouble supporting some of its recent expansions. For example,
he offers these impromptu opinions after telling us how thoroughly wicked the
creators of the welfare state were:
Freed slaves certainly did deserve forty acres and mule (at
least!), as many post-Civil War Radical Republicans proposed. Similarly, the
early affirmative action programs targeted specifically to blacks in the wake
of the Civil Rights Acts have intellectual and moral merit.
This kind of inconsistency runs through Goldberg’s tome.
Although he vehemently objects to America’s early welfare state, later broad
government interventions intended to overcome “discrimination” are perfectly
fine with him. And, of course, Goldberg joins the post-Civil War Radical
Republicans in calling for punishing Southern whites during Reconstruction by
taking away their property and giving it to blacks.
Goldberg grovels shamelessly whenever he turns to racial
problems in the US. In contrast to the traditional Right, Political Correctness
is OK with him, providing it doesn’t get too nasty—and it’s not quite clear at
what point he would admit that occurs:
At its best, PC is a way to show respect to people. If black
people don’t want to be called “Negroes,” it is only right and proper to
respect that desire. If Asians object to “Oriental,” lexicological arguments
can’t change the fact that it is rude not to oblige them.
But what if (when) Jesse Jackson, Al Sharpton or some other
Civil Rights leader decides he doesn’t want people of color to be called
“black” any longer because he finds it demeaning? Are we required to go on
changing the name of a particular group that enjoys a high victim profile in
order to show appropriate “respect”?
And why are certain other groups, like Southern white Christians
and those who want to preserve ancestral monuments that the Left and
(now) National
Review don’t happen to like, not to be accorded the same
sensitivity to group feeling?
Because in Goldberg’s eyes they’re not Left-certified victims
that professional Token Conservatives know they must acknowledge.
Thus Goldberg predictably goes berserk attacking the proponents
of Brexit, the supporters of the National Front in France, and “the story of
Donald Trump’s victory” as part of a “new global crusade against ‘globalism.’
“Those who participate in this neo-Nazi enterprise are supposedly undermining
democracy, like those Hungarians who overwhelmingly endorse what George Will
has proclaimed an “essentially fascist government” in Budapest. [ George Will: What artifacts from Nazi murder
machinery can teach the U.S. and the world now, MercuryNews, April
26, 2018]
What this means: democracy can only survive if citizens vote for
neocon-approved candidates. Otherwise, assuming Will is correct,
“Anti-Semitism” will be “coming out of the closet.”
I am intrigued how often Goldberg, who is essentially recycling
conventional views interspersed with chunks of history that seem to have been
extracted from a high school survey, uses the phrase “I tend to believe…”
Although he clearly shows no trace of research curiosity, he may
have no professional reason to do so. And so he can get away with idiocies like
this one:
I
tend to believe that high levels of immigration, particularly skills-based
immigration, are economically desirable policies. Also, the evidence that low-skilled immigration is a net
detriment to the country is not as cut-and-dried as some claim. (The field of
economics that studies immigration is shot through with methodological and
ideological problems.)
Really! Are there no reliable studies (I’ve seen dozens of them)
that show that low-skilled immigration impacts negatively on low-income earners in the US? And
can’t most high-skilled positions that are available in the US be filled by those
who are already here?
Not surprisingly what Goldberg “tends to believe” corresponds to
the inclinations of the Koch brothers, Paul Singer and other patrons of National Review. (Full
disclosure: I’m putting together an anthology on the funding sources of
Conservatism, Inc.)
Goldberg inserts silly complaints about how
academic Leftists diss him and his pals from National Review, like Kevin Williamson, when they pop
up at universities to speak on “conservative” issues. (I note he did not
condemn the disruption of my own recent lecture at
Hamilton College.)
Personally, I can’t imagine what “conservative” teaching
Goldberg could possibly convey during his sojourn in academe. His book
conspicuously avoids taking hard conservative stands on anything. When he
complains about the breakdown of marriage, he noticeably stays away
from gay marriage, which he has already praised as a good thing. [A banner day for
gay marriage on the right, By
Jennifer Rubin, Washington
Post, March 15, 2013] Instead Goldberg blandly chides those
who live in “open marriages” and coyly alludes to his own marital bliss—as the
husband of Nikki Haley’s speechwriter, Jessica Gavora. [Why Is Nikki
Haley Still Trump’s UN Ambassador?, by Philip
Giraldi, American
Conservative, July 7, 2017]
In the acknowledgements he lists Jessica as his “best
confidante, friend, and partner.” Perhaps it is this “partner” whom we should
blame for Jonah’s egregious book of opinions and recycled historical
platitudes.
A friend has described Goldberg’s enviable career as the “curse”
inflicted on us because his mother Lucianne (of Lucianne.com) betrayed the
trust of Monica Lewinsky and ratted out Monica’s secret affair with Bill
Clinton to Republican operatives. Because of this betrayal, Lucianne’s
self-important son was launched on a legacy path as a “conservative” luminary, the end of which
is not yet in sight.
But this curse has not worked the same way as the fate that
befell the subjects of Greek tragedies or those who sinned in Hebrew Scripture.
There, the offenders and their descendants suffered the consequences of evil
acts. Here the son of the betrayer of confidences is lavishly rewarded, as the
beneficiary of his mother’s act, and the rest of us are made to endure his
insufferable presence.
The older idea made much better sense.
-----------------------------
No Peter Brimelow, I Am Not Reviewing Jonah
[Expletive Deleted] Goldberg's New Book
HUBERT COLLINS • JULY 31, 2018
A few months ago, VDARE.com Editor Peter Brimelow asked me if I might review neoconservative #NeverTrumper
Jonah Goldberg’s new book, Suicide of the
West. I value my free time highly, so I was pretty dubious—Jonah Goldberg, who has been a media-touted professional token
Conservative for all of my life (he’s Gen X, I’m Gen Y), has never to my knowledge said anything
interesting, and there are plenty of
books I would like to read that are certain to be good. I promptly wrote back
to Mr. Brimelow: “I just checked on Amazon and Jonah Goldberg’s new book is 464
pages long. I wouldn’t be willing to read that for less than a ridiculous sum
that I wouldn’t accept from anyone to just read a useless book and review it.”
Mr. Brimelow dropped the matter after that, and the brilliant Paul Gottfried reviewed it for VDARE.com instead.
Then, more recently, Mr. Brimelow emailed me a mixed review of the
book [Jonah Goldberg’s Burkean Turn, June 26, 2018] by Matt Purple at The American Conservative and asked me again if I
might review it. While I am aware of the longstanding tradition of writers
shamelessly reviewing books without reading them (two brilliant writers, George Orwelland Joe Sobran, both did this, the former even writing an amusing essay about the practice.), I think this practice is detestable,
and hope to never do it. So I replied to Mr. Brimelow: “Ugh. I’d be willing to
write you an amusing polemical article-length explanation as to why I am not
willing to read/review it. That’s the best offer I can give.”
And incredibly, Mr. Brimelow said “Sure.” So, dear reader, here we
are.
Mr. Goldberg’s thesis, gleaned from reviews and his endless electronic media appearances, is that the
biggest thing (if not the only thing) that makes “the West” great are our
Enlightenment/Lockean/Classical Liberal values. These values
champion and protect individualism, relatively free trade, relatively
unregulated markets, and simple and straightforward laws and jurisprudence that
apply to everyone equally.
At present, Mr. Goldberg feels that these values are besieged by
Left and Right. To the Left are non-white identitarians and Cultural Marxists, to the Right are populist nationalists. Both groups, in Mr. Goldberg’s eyes, reject the Classical Liberal values that have made the West
great, and instead are “tribalists.” As tribalists, they simply want their team
to defeat and dominate other teams, and do not care about markets, equality
under the law, etc. Mr. Goldberg fears these forces might defeat the Classical
Liberal center, and in so doing, will cause the “Suicide of the West.”
This argument is retarded because of mankind’s historical record
between the late seventeenth century (when Mr. Goldberg marks the emergence of
his preferred values), and the 1960s. During these 300 or so years, each and
every Lockean, free marketer, Classical Liberal, and Enlightenment proponent
was a “tribalist” by Mr. Goldberg’s standards—and “racist” by the standards of
basically everyone alive today.
The Founding Fathers of America were deeply influenced by all that
Mr. Goldberg likes (Locke, markets, etc.), and they were also de facto white nationalists.(See What the Founders Really Thought About
Race, by Jared Taylor, National
Policy Institute, January 17, 2012[PDF]) As Mr. Goldberg may, or may not, be aware, many also owned
black slaves and killed American Indians in combat. America’s first immigration
law, the Naturalization Act of 1790, allowed citizenship for “free white men of good character.” This
is not ambiguous or subject to interpretation, it is an inarguable objective
fact about American history.
During the same 300-year span, the United Kingdom, where most all
Classical Liberal values originated and were adhered to, managed a global
empire that was racially aware—to say the least—and (for a while) practiced
race-based slavery. If John Locke, Thomas Jefferson, George Washington, and Adam Smith hopped
into a time machine today and surveyed the planet’s political, cultural, and
racial norms, they would not say: “Boy, things were going just as we wanted up
until recently. Let’s hope America eschews Donald Trump’s style of politics and
those of Black Lives Matter.”
But, in a nutshell, that is what Mr. Goldberg wants us to believe.
Fundamentally, only in the 1960s did anybody even suggest that the
Anglo political tradition of small governments, free markets, and individual
rights was incontrovertibly at odds with any level of national or racial
consciousness. I know that Mr. Goldberg does not address this in his tome, so
there is no point in reading it. His entire thesis is rebuked by 300 years of
history.
Another thing that should never be forgotten about Jonah Goldberg:
he supported George W. Bush. President Bush, readers may remember, started the
Iraq War. That war was pointless and stupid. The estimated number of human
deaths caused by it currently sits at just south of 1.5 million. The national debt we accumulated to have that war is in the
trillions. And for what? Not a goddamn thing. Iraq was a total Trumpian
s***hole before we invaded it and is still a total s***hole.
Furthermore, President Bush made repeated efforts to extend a massive Amnesty to illegal aliens. And he also greatly expanded the Federal
government’s ability and right to spy on its citizens, most famously through
the PATRIOT ACT. And at the end of the Bush Presidency, there was an economic crash so monumental that it is second in American history only to the Great
Depression.
Jonah Goldberg liked President Bush, and still defends him. He
thought there nothing incongruous about conservative and/or GOP support for
him. But he has written a book about how monstrous Donald Trump is because this
President wants to change our immigration laws and tweak our trade policies to
benefit Americans.
No-one can support George W. Bush, oppose Donald Trump, and be taken seriously. Maybe if President Trump messes up,
launches a catastrophic invasion of some Third World hellhole, and then the
economy crashes to an extent on par with the Great Recession, the case could be
made that he is worse than Bush II. But until then, no way.
Another point worth noting; the title of Mr. Goldberg’s new book
is taken from James Burnham’s 1964 work, Suicide of the West. Just as with the Lockeans of the past few centuries that Mr.
Goldberg admires, the late Burnham was “racist” by today’s standards. Back in
the day, he wrote for National Review, today, he would be purgedjust as John O’Sullivan, Peter Brimelow, Joe Sobran, John Derbyshire, and a whole host of others were. In a 2016 essay disparaging James Burnham,
the anti-white Leftist Jeet Heer noted that,
Burnham was also a white
supremacist. As Samuel Francis noted in the magazine Chronicles Magazine in 2002, “in the 1960’s,
Burnham defended segregation on pragmatic and constitutional (though not
explicitly racial) grounds and, by the 70’s, was suggesting actual racial
separation of blacks in a ‘non-contiguous’ area accorded ‘limited sovereignty.’
He also defended both Rhodesia and South Africa, as well as other right-wing
states.” In fact, Burnham thought that South Africa’s Apartheid system could be
a model for America, with blacks confined to Bantustans. [Nostalgia for Flawed Thinkers Won’t
Solve the Crisis of the Conservative Intellectual, by Jeet Heer, The New Republic, October 31, 2016.]
Perhaps Mr. Goldberg knows all this, and simply wants to set it
aside and hope he doesn’t get caught obfuscating the matter. If that is the
case, then Mr. Goldberg is retarded, because in the age of the internet,
somebody would obviously bring this matter to light.
Or perhaps (Peter Brimelow’s theory) Mr. Goldberg is just not
aware of any of this, and has simply not read any of Burnham’s body of work. If
that is the case, Mr. Goldberg is retarded. James Burnham was a genius, and
should be read by everyone interested in American conservatism, contemporary
power structures, and foreign policy.
As an aside, Burnham was also right about all the things for which
Mr. Heer attacked him.
The bogeymen of “racism”, “tribalism”, and “nationalism” do not
threaten Lockean and Classical Liberal values—they never have. Lockean and
Classical Liberal values were introduced to the world in a time when racial and
national consciousness were an absolute given.
What does threaten Lockean and Classical Liberal values is the rising tide of color, mass immigration, Cultural Marxism, and an emboldened Left—all of which also threaten the traditional Western nation state,
and the white race as a whole.
But who in their right mind would take tips from Jonah Goldberg as
to how to push back against any of those threats? What track record does he
have of success in this? What about his belief system is compelling, and could
be trusted to emerge victorious against the Left in the
“marketplace/battlefield of ideas”?
When is it that Gen Y millennials like me and the subsequent
Generation Z will warm up to the seductive ideals held by middle-aged “Conservatism
Inc.-ers” like Mr. Goldberg? How soon will it be before they subscribe to
colorblind Lockeanism because they finally realize how great tax breaks for the
wealthy are? Or will they be first won over by the splendor of the atrocious
wars Mr. Goldberg advocates?
Libertarians can at least offer them (i.e. us) peace and a whole
pleasuredome of legalized vices. Socialists can at least offer college debt
forgiveness and medical care. Identitarians can offer community and stability.
What does “Conservatism Inc” offer? A country perpetually at war
in faraway lands whose domestic politics and culture are a cross between the
cubicles of a call center and an Evangelical church?
Mr. Goldberg’s history is wrong, and his politics are awful. So
no, I am not going to waste my time reading his stupid new book.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Will Tribalism
Trump Democracy?
By Patrick J.
Buchanan Tuesday - July 31, 2018
On July 19, the Israeli Knesset [parliament] voted to change the nation's Basic Law. Israel was declared to be, now and forever, the nation-state and national home of the Jewish people. Hebrew is to be the state language. Angry reactions, not only among Israeli Arabs and Jews, came swift. Allan Brownfeld of the American Council for Judaism calls the law a "retreat from democracy" as it restricts the right of self-determination, once envisioned to include all within Israel's borders, to the Jewish people. Inequality is enshrined. And Israel, says Brownfeld, is not the nation-state of American Jews.
What makes this clash of significance is that it is another battle in the clash that might fairly be called the issue of our age. The struggle is between the claims of tribe, ethnicity, peoples and nations, against the commands of liberal democracy.
In
Europe, the Polish people seek to preserve the historic and ethnic character of
their country with reforms that the EU claims violate Poland's commitment to
democracy. If Warsaw persists, warns the EU, the Poles will be punished. But
which comes first: Poland, or its political system, if the two are in conflict?
Other nations are ignoring the open-borders requirements of the EU's Schengen Agreement, as they attempt to block migrants from Africa and the Middle East. They want to remain who they are, open borders be damned.
Other nations are ignoring the open-borders requirements of the EU's Schengen Agreement, as they attempt to block migrants from Africa and the Middle East. They want to remain who they are, open borders be damned.
Britain
is negotiating an exit from the EU because the English voted for independence
from that transitional institution whose orders they saw as imperiling their
sovereignty and altering their identity.
When Ukraine, in the early 1990s, was considering secession from Russia, Bush I warned Kiev against such "suicidal nationalism." Ukraine ignored President Bush. Today, new questions have arisen. If Ukrainians had a right to secede from Russia and create a nation-state to preserve their national identity, do not the Russians in Crimea and the Donbass have the same right — to secede from Ukraine and rejoin their kinsmen in Russia?
As Georgia seceded from Russia at the same time, why do not the people of South Ossetia have the same right to secede from Georgia?
Who are we Americans, 5,000 miles away, to tell tribes, peoples and embryonic nations of Europe whether they may form new states to reflect and preserve their national identity?
Nor are these minor matters.
At Paris in 1919, Sudeten Germans and Danzig Germans were, against their will, put under Czech and Polish rule. British and French resistance to permitting these peoples to secede and rejoin their kinfolk in 1938 and 1939 set the stage for the greatest war in history.
Here in America, we, too, appear to be in an endless quarrel about who we are.
Is America a different kind of nation, a propositional nation, an ideological nation, defined by a common consent to the ideas and ideals of our iconic documents like the Declaration of Independence and Gettysburg Address?
Or are we like other nations, a unique people with our own history, heroes, holidays, religion, language, literature, art, music, customs and culture, recognizable all over the world as "the Americans"?
Since 2001, those who have argued that we Americans were given, at the birth of the republic, a providential mission to democratize mankind, have suffered an unbroken series of setbacks. Nations we invaded, such as Afghanistan and Iraq, to bestow upon them the blessings of democracy, rose up in resistance. What our compulsive interventionists saw as our mission to mankind, the beneficiaries saw as American imperialism.
And the culture wars on history and memory continue unabated.
According to The New York Times, the African-American candidate for governor of Georgia, Stacey Abrams, has promised to sandblast the sculptures of Robert E. Lee, Stonewall Jackson and Jefferson Davis off Stone Mountain. The Republican candidate, Brian Kemp, has a pickup truck, which he promises to use to transfer illegal migrants out of Georgia and back to the border.
In Texas, a move is afoot to remove the name of Stephen Austin from the capital city, as Austin, in the early 1830s, resisted Mexico's demands to end slavery in Texas when it was still part of Mexico. One wonders when they will get around to Sam Houston, hero of Texas' War of Independence and first governor of the Republic of Texas, which became the second slave republic in North America. Houston, after whom the nation's fourth-largest city is named, was himself, though a Unionist, a slave owner and an opponent of abolition.
Today, a large share of the American people loathe who we were from the time of the explorers and settlers, up until the end of segregation in the 1960s. They want to apologize for our past, rewrite our history, erase our memories and eradicate the monuments of those centuries.
The attacks upon the country we were and the people whence we came are near constant. And if we cannot live together amicably, secession from one another, personally, politically, and even territorially, seems the ultimate alternative.
When Ukraine, in the early 1990s, was considering secession from Russia, Bush I warned Kiev against such "suicidal nationalism." Ukraine ignored President Bush. Today, new questions have arisen. If Ukrainians had a right to secede from Russia and create a nation-state to preserve their national identity, do not the Russians in Crimea and the Donbass have the same right — to secede from Ukraine and rejoin their kinsmen in Russia?
As Georgia seceded from Russia at the same time, why do not the people of South Ossetia have the same right to secede from Georgia?
Who are we Americans, 5,000 miles away, to tell tribes, peoples and embryonic nations of Europe whether they may form new states to reflect and preserve their national identity?
Nor are these minor matters.
At Paris in 1919, Sudeten Germans and Danzig Germans were, against their will, put under Czech and Polish rule. British and French resistance to permitting these peoples to secede and rejoin their kinfolk in 1938 and 1939 set the stage for the greatest war in history.
Here in America, we, too, appear to be in an endless quarrel about who we are.
Is America a different kind of nation, a propositional nation, an ideological nation, defined by a common consent to the ideas and ideals of our iconic documents like the Declaration of Independence and Gettysburg Address?
Or are we like other nations, a unique people with our own history, heroes, holidays, religion, language, literature, art, music, customs and culture, recognizable all over the world as "the Americans"?
Since 2001, those who have argued that we Americans were given, at the birth of the republic, a providential mission to democratize mankind, have suffered an unbroken series of setbacks. Nations we invaded, such as Afghanistan and Iraq, to bestow upon them the blessings of democracy, rose up in resistance. What our compulsive interventionists saw as our mission to mankind, the beneficiaries saw as American imperialism.
And the culture wars on history and memory continue unabated.
According to The New York Times, the African-American candidate for governor of Georgia, Stacey Abrams, has promised to sandblast the sculptures of Robert E. Lee, Stonewall Jackson and Jefferson Davis off Stone Mountain. The Republican candidate, Brian Kemp, has a pickup truck, which he promises to use to transfer illegal migrants out of Georgia and back to the border.
In Texas, a move is afoot to remove the name of Stephen Austin from the capital city, as Austin, in the early 1830s, resisted Mexico's demands to end slavery in Texas when it was still part of Mexico. One wonders when they will get around to Sam Houston, hero of Texas' War of Independence and first governor of the Republic of Texas, which became the second slave republic in North America. Houston, after whom the nation's fourth-largest city is named, was himself, though a Unionist, a slave owner and an opponent of abolition.
Today, a large share of the American people loathe who we were from the time of the explorers and settlers, up until the end of segregation in the 1960s. They want to apologize for our past, rewrite our history, erase our memories and eradicate the monuments of those centuries.
The attacks upon the country we were and the people whence we came are near constant. And if we cannot live together amicably, secession from one another, personally, politically, and even territorially, seems the ultimate alternative.
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