August 17, 2018
MY CORNER by Boyd
Cathey
Newly Expanded Review of Dinesh D’Souza’s Movie, “Death of a Nation” (at The
Unz Review)
Friends,
Back on
Sunday, August 5, I wrote a MY CORNER pre-review of Dinesh D’Souza’s new film,
“Death of a Nation,” of which I had only seen a few clips and read the promo;
since then I have managed to get through almost the entire film without having
a severe case of the vapors…but just barely. My pre-review showed up on The Abbeville Institute site, titled
“The Death of Historical Accuracy” [https://www.abbevilleinstitute.org/blog/the-death-of-historical-accuracy/]
and has received a lot of comment, mostly positive.
But now, after having seen most of the film, I can state that my
originally expressed views have not changed. Indeed, they have only been confirmed.
And thinking that there needed to be more conversation, more discussion, about
this latest cinematic effort by D’Souza—and more exposure of what can only be
termed fraudulent history and blatant historical legerdemain on his part—I
rewrote that column, expanded it, and it is published today [August 17, 2018]
by The Unz Review (which gets well
over a million reads each month).
Additionally, Dr. David Gordon has passed on a link to an
excellent review he wrote for The Mises
Review back in 1995 [I, no. 5, Winter 1995, at: https://mises.org/library/end-racism-principles-multiracial-society-dinesh-dsouza] of D’Souza’s magnum opus, The End of
Racism: Principles for a Multiracial Society, which is so full of
historical inaccuracies and scientific misstatements as to be rendered useless
as history and noxious as science. I encourage you to read Dr. Gordon’s
detailed review.
Here is the expanded Unz
Review version of my review:
THE UNZ REVIEW
The Death of
Historical Accuracy
Dinesh D’Souza’s Movie, “Death of a Nation”
BY BOYD D. CATHEY • AUGUST 17, 2018
In case you haven’t heard,
there is a new “conservative” film out; it is titled “Death of a Nation: Can We
Save America a Second Time?” Its director and screenwriter is Dinesh D’Souza,
the word-measuring figure who occasionally shows up on Fox to talk in pious
tones about “conservatism.” He is the movie producer who, by his own admission,
has done as much as anyone to shape (in an almost ahistorical manner)
perceptions about American history and the Founding Principles that have
supposedly guided this country. And, in his latest cinematic adventure he
stunningly compares the “triumph of America and its values” under that “great
president and martyr” Abraham Lincoln to the crisis facing President Donald
Trump. Like Lincoln, Trump is saving America “for a second time.”
“Not since 1860 have the Democrats so fanatically refused to
accept the result of a free election. That year, their target was Lincoln. They
smeared him. They went to war to defeat him. In the end, they assassinated him.
Now the target of the Democrats is President Trump and his supporters. The Left
calls them racists, white supremacists and fascists. These charges are used to
justify driving Trump from office and discrediting the right “by any means
necessary.” But which is the party of the slave plantation? Which is the party
that invented white supremacy? Which is the party that praised fascist
dictators and shaped their genocidal policies and was in turn praised by them?
Moreover, which is the party of racism today? Is fascism now institutionally
embodied on the right or on the left?”
Thus, the president who refused
all compromise (and torpedoed negotiations) with Southerners and Confederates
(who were, as D’Souza assures us, no better than “racists” and “fascists”)—the
president responsible for the most egregious violations of habeas corpus and
constitutional liberties in American history–the president who in effect
unleashed a vicious conflict that took the lives of at least 620,000 Americans
and maimed and handicapped for life hundreds of thousands more—the president
who by military force radically altered the original American Constitution and
set the stage for the growth of powerful and unchecked government, and the
emergence of the managerial Deep State…that president
is D’Souza’s model…and his analogy for Donald Trump.
And Lincoln, that noble opponent
of “racism”? D’Souza omits Lincoln’s contradictory statements on American
blacks and his repeated desire that blacks be sent back to Africa. And he
conveniently fails to cite Lincoln’s declaration to New York Tribune editor
Horace Greeley, August 22, 1862, scarcely three months prior to the formal
issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation:
“If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do
it, and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it, and if I
could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that.
What I do about Slavery and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps
to save this Union, and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it
would help to save the Union.”
The one very significant fact
that becomes clear in his latest cinematic screed is that D’Souza is ignorant
of American history, and that he is an ideological and historical fabricator
who seeks, in the name of defending his adopted nation, to bend and mishandle its
history to fit a preconceived narrative which satisfies his Neoconservative
task masters. For him history becomes a cudgel, a weaponized arm to further the
Neoconservative agenda of “equality” and “liberal democracy,” both against the
“farther Left,” but also, very significantly, against the traditional Right and
traditional conservatism…and, as well, against Southern conservatives who would
dare defend their heritage and traditions.
His narrative is essentially a
leftist one, and like other Neoconservatives, he partakes of the basic
philosophical views of the post-Communist Left, emphasizing politicized
constructs of race and gender, and equality and democracy, projecting them back
to incorporate all of American history. Thus, so it goes, echoing Marxist
historians like Eric Foner: “the South had slavery, therefore it was a racist
society. Racism had to be opposed at all costs and by all means. And that is
what Lincoln did.”
The equation says too much, and
leaves out too much. Four slave states did not leave the union, and Lincoln’s
reasons for attacking the Southern states were far more economic and
power-driven than not, with his later appeals to abolitionism seen by most
observers then, as well as by many historians since,
as desperate propaganda appeals to war-weary Northerners, to gin up the sagging
war effort.
As noted economist Frank
Taussig has detailed in his classic study, Tariff History of the United
States (1967 edition), tariffs were the chief revenue source for the
Federal government. The Morrill Tariff more than doubled American tariffs and
greatly expanded the list of taxable items. Abraham Lincoln had campaigned
vigorously on a platform of strong support for the Morrill Tariff. While the
South would be paying nearly 80 % of the tariff, most of the revenues would be
spent in the North. With the Southern states seceding, such a loss of revenue
would be devastating to the Federal treasury and could not be allowed to stand.
Like those Leftists farther to
the Left, D’Souza accuses the seceding states in 1860-1861 of treason against
the “idea of a (unitary) America,” yet he thus demonstrates his own historical
ignorance. During the Antebellum period there was little political support for
denying the right of secession or for the Constitutional right to suppress it.
Of the pre-war presidents, it is true, Andrew Jackson threatened South Carolina
in 1833 over Nullification of the “Tariff of Abominations,” but that crisis was
resolved through compromise. Even staunch anti-slavery unionist President John
Quincy Adams advocated secession over the annexation of Texas, and in his April
30, 1839, speech “The Jubilee of the Constitution,” commemorating the 50th
anniversary of George Washington’s inauguration as the first American
president, he affirmed:
“…if the day should ever come, (may Heaven avert it) when the
affections of the people of these states shall be alienated from each other;
when the fraternal spirit shall give away to cold indifference, or collisions
of interest shall fester into hatred, the bands of political association will
not long hold together the parties no longer attracted by the magnetism of
conciliated interests and kindly sympathies; and far better will it be for the
people of the disunited states, to part in friendship from each other, than to
be held together by constraint.”
In his address to Congress in
January of 1861, lame duck President James Buchanan, while deploring secession,
stated frankly that he had no right to prevent it: “I certainly had no right to
make aggressive war upon any State, and I am perfectly satisfied that the
Constitution has wisely withheld that power even from Congress.” Former
President John Tyler served in the Confederate Congress, and former President
Franklin Pierce, in his famous Concord, New Hampshire, address, July 4, 1863,
joined Buchanan in decrying the efforts to suppress the secession of the
Southern states:
“Do we not all know that the cause of our casualties is the
vicious intermeddling of too many of the citizens of the Northern States with
the constitutional rights of the Southern States, cooperating with the
discontents of the people of those states? Do we not know that the disregard of
the Constitution, and of the security that it affords to the rights of States
and of individuals, has been the cause of the calamity which our country is
called to undergo?”
More, during the antebellum
period William Rawle’s pro-secession text on Constitutional law, A View of the Constitution of
the United States (1825,) was used at West Point as the standard text on the
US Constitution. And on several occasions the Supreme Court, itself, affirmed
this view. In The Bank of Augusta v. Earl (1839), the Court wrote
in an 8-1 decision:
“The States…are distinct separate sovereignties, except so far as
they have parted with some of the attributes of sovereignty by the
Constitution. They continue to be nations, with all their rights, and under all
their national obligations, and with all the rights of nations in every
particular; except in the surrender by each to the common purposes and object
of the Union, under the Constitution. The rights of each State, when not so
yielded up, remain absolute.”
One of the better summaries of
the prevalent Constitutional theory at that time has been made by black scholar,
professor, and prolific author Dr. Walter Williams. Here is what he writes in
one his columns:
“During the 1787 Constitutional Convention, a proposal was made
that would allow the federal government to suppress a seceding state. James
Madison rejected it, saying, ‘A union of the states containing such an
ingredient seemed to provide for its own destruction. The use of force against
a state would look more like a declaration of war than an infliction of
punishment and would probably be considered by the party attacked as a
dissolution of all previous compacts by which it might be bound.’
“In fact, the ratification documents of Virginia, New York and
Rhode Island explicitly said they held the right to resume powers delegated
should the federal government become abusive of those powers. The Constitution never would have been
ratified if states thought they could not regain their sovereignty — in a word,
secede.
“On March 2, 1861, after seven states seceded and two days before
Abraham Lincoln’s inauguration, Sen. James R. Doolittle of Wisconsin proposed a
constitutional amendment that read, “No state or any part thereof, heretofore
admitted or hereafter admitted into the union, shall have the power to withdraw
from the jurisdiction of the United States.”
“Several months earlier, Reps. Daniel E. Sickles of New York,
Thomas B. Florence of Pennsylvania and Otis S. Ferry of Connecticut proposed a
constitutional amendment to prohibit secession. Here’s a question for the
reader: Would there have been any point
to offering these amendments if secession were already unconstitutional?”
[emphasis added]
An examination of the
ratification processes for Georgia, South Carolina, and North Carolina in the
late 1780s, reveal very similar discussions: it was the independent states
themselves that had created a Federal government (and not the reverse, as Abe Lincoln
erroneously suggested), and it was the various states that granted the Federal
government certain very limited and specifically enumerated powers, reserving
the vast remainder for themselves (see Professor Mel Bradford, Original Intentions: On the Making
and Ratification of the United States Constitution.
University of Georgia Press, 1993). As any number of the Framers indicated,
there simply would not have been any United States if the states, both north and
south, had believed that they could not leave it for just cause.
There is another major critique
that must be made: despite D’Souza’s claims, it was the Republican Party in
1860 that was, by every measure, the radical party, the party intent on
destroying the original Constitution and transforming the union, not the more
conservative (at that time) Democrats. D’Souza projects a political genealogy
that simply will not stand up to serious historical investigation. The outbreak
of war in 1861 did not come about due to Democrats who “went to war to defeat
[Lincoln].” As historian William Marvel, in his Mr. Lincoln Goes to War (2006),
relates, the conflict must be laid squarely at the door of the Lincoln
administration: “It was Lincoln, however, who finally eschewed diplomacy and
sparked a confrontation. He backed himself into a corner from which he could
escape only by mobilizing a national army, and thereby fanning the flames of
Fort Sumter into full-scale conflagration.” (p. xvii) Thus, it was the
intransigence of the Lincoln administration that literally provoked war.
Even D’Souza’s supposedly hated
Marxists recognized that Lincoln and his actions furthered their program and
ideals. In 1864 Karl Marx sent Lincoln a famous “Address” from his
“workingman’s group,” in which he declared that “victory
for the North would be a turning point for nineteenth-century politics, an
affirmation of free labor, and a defeat for the most reactionary capitalists
who depended on slavery and racial oppression,” that is, one more critical step
in the projected Marxist historical dialectic. The American ambassador in
London, Charles Francis Adams, responded and “thanked them for their support and
expressed his conviction that the defeat of the rebellion would indeed be a
victory for the cause of humanity everywhere.”
Like his supposed enemies over
on the farther Left, Dinesh D’Souza employs the same faulty historical
template, and, even if his arguments appear, at times, attractive or useful to
conservatives, the end result is certain: you do not triumph historically or
argumentatively using the same essential propositions, albeit less outrageous,
as your opponent. Once you accept his grounds for debate, the battle—the war—is
over.
Dinesh D’Souza’s “Death of a
Nation” is like tasty ice cream infected with poisonous venom. It might taste
good at first, but the poison is sure to work its effect.
Boyd D. Cathey holds a
doctorate in European history from the Catholic University of Navarra,
Pamplona, Spain, where he was a Richard Weaver Fellow, and an MA in
intellectual history from the University of Virginia (as a Jefferson Fellow).
He was assistant to conservative author and philosopher the late Russell Kirk.
In more recent years he served as State Registrar of the North Carolina
Division of Archives and History. He has published in French, Spanish, and
English, on historical subjects as well as classical music and opera. He is
active in the Sons of Confederate Veterans and various historical, archival,
and genealogical organizations.
A friend took me to see D'Souza's America film back in 2014 and I had a sort of icky intuition that something just wasn't quite right about his narrative. Since I am not a scholar at all, let alone of US History, I could only pick out a few things which I was sure were gross inaccuracies. I am very appreciative of this piece for it's thorough articulation and exposure of the "D'Souza style".
ReplyDeleteDr. Cathey,
ReplyDeleteI recently came across your work via Unz, and I've been playing catch-up with it since then. It's as good as it is timely.
There's a project I've been sending around for feedback/review, and given some of the things you've written, I was curious if you'd be interested in taking a look at it. If you'd like to know more, let me know and I'll pass along the particulars. If not, I completely understand. Regardless, I hope you keep giving 'em hell.