April 2, 2021
MY CORNER by Boyd Cathey
American Foreign Policy Advances the Globalist Revolution
And My Prayers and Good Wishes for Easter
On this site, on occasion, I have shared essays and columns by other writers, items by friends that I believe should be more widely read and pondered. These essays address important issues that are not always that well focused or discussed by the so-called “conservative media,” essays that seem to pinpoint with specificity issues and questions that affect us. In the past I have passed on essays and columns by Pat Buchanan, Paul Gottfried, “The Dissident Mama,” Jack Kerwick, Clyde Wilson, Philip Leigh, Paul Craig Roberts, Brion McClanahan, and others.
Many of my own columns and essays are printed at The Abbeville Institute and Dr. Wilson’s Reckonin.com; many others show up at LewRockwell.com, and in the past at Chronicles magazine and The New English Review. But there are other, excellent pieces featured on those sites and by those journals as well that deserve wider distribution.
One writer who is also a dear friend is Ilana Mercer. Ilana writes a regular column that is printed in various venues. A former citizen of South Africa, she has seen quite personally how the ravages of Marxist and Communist revolution can destroy a civilized country and its social structures. And she has recounted that experience—and warning to the West—in detail in her necessary volume,
Americans Should Recall How Foreign-Policy Alinskyites Destroyed South Africa
Certain national-conservative governments in East Europe should be natural allies to conservative policy makers stateside, if such unicorns existed.
Vladimir Putin’s, for example. Before his death, from the safety of exile, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, one of Russia’s bravest and most brilliant sons, praised Putin’s efforts to revive Russia’s . For example:
In October 2010, it was announced that "The Gulag Archipelago" would become required reading for all Russian high-school students. In a meeting with Solzhenitsyn’s widow, Mr. Putin described "The Gulag Archipelago" as "essential reading": "Without the knowledge of that book, we would lack a full understanding of our country and it would be difficult for us to think about the future." …
If [only] the same could be said of the high schools of the United States. (Via .)
The Russian president patiently tolerates America’s demented, . And, as America sinks into the quicksand of Cultural Marxism, Putin’s inclinations are decidedly reactionary and traditionalist. He sexual evangelizing by LGBTQ activists. He comes down squarely on the side of the Russian Orthodox Church, such as when vandals, the Pussy Riot feral females, obscenely the cathedral of Christ the Savior. The Russian leader has also as refugees persecuted white South Africans, where America’s won’t even officially acknowledge that they’re under threat of extermination. Policies to have been put in place by the conservative leader.
Hungary is oh-so happy in its homogeneity and . But not if Washington can help it. Prime Minister Viktor Orban’s motto is, “Procreation, not immigration.” Orban plumps for closed borders, and pro-Western, Christian, Hungarian-families-first policies. Yet his ongoing campaign against George Soros, an agitator for was met by Donald Trump’s State Department with a stern to Hungary that its anti-Soros law will cost the country dearly.
Americans on the Right could only dream that, like Hungary, Poland and the Czech Republic—the U.S. would “.”
America: A Notion, Not A Nation
Perplexing as it may seem, American foreign policy has been informed less by what Samuel P. Huntington termed civilizational consciousness, than by the idea of the propositional nation. America, to her governing neoconservative and left-liberal elites, is not a nation but a notion, a community of disparate peoples coalescing around an abstract, highly manipulable, state-sanctioned ideology. Democracy, for one.
Yet to Russell Kirk, the father of American conservatism, and an old-school conservative—as well as, arguably, to the founders of the nation themselves—society was a community of souls, joining the dead, the living, and those yet unborn. It cohered through what Aristotle called friendship and what Christians call love of neighbor, facilitated by a shared language, literature, history, habits, and heroes.
These factors, taken together, constitute the glue that binds the nation.
By contrast, the rather flimsy whimsy that America is a “creedal nation” and ostensibly united in “a common commitment to a set of ideas and ideals” is both a fantasy and ahistorical. If anything, when expressed by the historical majority, the natural affinity for one’s tribe—a connection to kith, kin, and culture—is deemed inauthentic, xenophobic, and racist, unless asserted by non-Occidentals.
The Foreign Policy Of A ‘Creedal Nation’
The disregard a country’s policy makers evince for the feelings stirred among countrymen by a common faith and customs—secular and sacred—is invariably reflected in its foreign policy.
America’s foreign policy looks at populations as interchangeable as long as they are “socialized in the same way” and, as paleoconservative philosopher Paul Gottfried puts it, “molded by a suitable public administration and a steady diet of human-rights talk.” The generic American government’s foreign policy reflects America’s denationalized elites, who are committed to “transnational and sub-national identities” both at home and abroad.
According to her ruling sophisticates, America’s mission is to “democratize mankind.” To fulfill this mission, and to do justice to American “exceptionalism,” Americans are, as Pat Buchanan puts it, “indoctrinated in a fabricated creed that teaches they are being untrue to themselves and faithless to their fathers unless they go abroad in search of monsters to destroy.” Or, welcome The World into their midst. We aren’t Americans, , we are lectured.
One such “monster” targeted for rapid reform was South Africa.
South Africa Betrayed
Cold War confrontation prompted the United States to acknowledge South Africa as a surrogate for American interests on the Dark Continent. In defense of these interests in the region and against the Communization of their neighborhood, South African soldiers fought Russia’s Cuban and Angolan proxies with the same fortitude that the country’s founders displayed when battling the Zulus in the Battle of Blood River.
Yes, South Africa had faithfully fulfilled its role as a Cold Warrior. It fought alongside other advanced Western nations, led by the United States, and, as Huntington puts it, “engaged in a pervasive ideological, political, economic, and, at times, military conflict with [other groups] of somewhat poorer, communist societies led by the Soviet Union.” A surplus of courage, however, was no panacea for a deficit in democracy.
Thus, although South Africa was as “an important Western geostrategic bulwark” against Soviet encroachment in the region, the American reservoir of good will toward South Africa was quick to run dry. It’s not that the U.S. did not have democratically flawed allies; it did and does. But such imperfections are usually the prerogative of non-Western nations. China, for instance. For South Africa, this meant fighting communism’s agents while being handicapped by sanctions.
The United States had imposed an arms embargo on Pretoria [South African capital] in 1964 and had joined the international consensus in refusing to recognize the "independence" of four of South Africa’s black homelands between 1976 and 1984.
While during the 1970s and the 1980s, all American administrations condemned apartheid, they had generally opposed broad economic sanctions, arguing reasonably that these would hurt the very population they were intended to help. With the Carter administration (1977-81) came an even “tougher line toward Pretoria.” Jimmy Carter viewed black African nationalism as perfectly “compatible with U.S. interests.”
In fairness, the left turn in American foreign policy came well before Carter. America’s support for Soviet satellites such as the African National Congress was likely a hangover from Yalta: a long-standing official policy of support for the Soviet alliance, and the subsequent ceding of most of Central and Eastern Europe to Stalin?
The shift in American foreign policy ironically saw the U.S. adopt and deploy slogans popularized by the Soviet Union in support of African liberation and against the “imperial, colonial” West.
There was a “pullback of military forces around the communist periphery” and the “frequent support of the Third World in disputes with Western nations” around the world. Thus, left-wing revolutionaries were propped up, instead of a Western ally like Salazar in Portugal; Mugabe was favored over Ian Smith, as was Nasser above Britain and France; Batista was ousted to make way for Castro.
Republicans Too Radical For Ronald Reagan
Ronald Reagan at least favored “constructive engagement” with South Africa, together with a tough resistance to communist advances in the Third World. But political pressure, not least from the Republican majority, mounted for an increasingly punitive stance toward Pretoria. This entailed an “elaborate sanctions structure,” disinvestment, and a prohibition on sharing intelligence with the South Africans.
In 1986, the Soviet Union, which had until the 1980s supported a revolutionary takeover of white-ruled South Africa by its ANC protégés, suddenly changed its tune and denounced the idea. Once again, the U.S. and the USSR were on the same side—that of “a negotiated settlement between Pretoria and its opponents.”
For advocating “constructive engagement,” members of his Republican Party issued a coruscating attack on Reagan. Sen. Lowell P. Weicker Jr., in particular, stated: “For this moment, at least, the President has become an irrelevancy to the ideals, heartfelt and spoken, of America.” Republicans had slipped between the sheets with the fashionable left. What’s new?
For sustainable change to take place, change must be gradual and “rooted in the institutions of society.” In tracing the contours of such Burkean thinking, Kirk referred to “that aspect…which is prepared to tolerate an old evil lest the cure prove worse than the disease.” To Kirk’s contention that “true freedom can be found only within the framework of a social order,” I’d wager that in my former homeland, South Africa, this bulwark against barbarism has collapsed. In my new homeland, America, the framework that sustains the country’s ordered liberty is so rapidly being eroded, so as to be near collapse.
Decades back, no less a classical liberal thinker than Ludwig von Mises warned that liberty in the United States could not—and would not—endure unless the founding nation retained its historic national identity and cultural hegemony.
An ahistoric, rootless America, shot through with dangerous and systemic , is an America in which liberty has been lost.
has been writing a weekly, paleolibertarian since 1999. She’s the author of "" (2011) & "” (2016). She’s currently on Parler, & , but has been banned by .
(Citations are in “” by ilana mercer)