November 12, 2018
MY CORNER by Boyd Cathey
Veterans’ Day and One-Hundred Years of the Suicide of the West
Friends,
Although
yesterday, November 11, was actually Veterans’ Day, as is the custom now (for
convenience sake) in the United States today (a weekday) is the observed legal
holiday.
As
commentators have pointed out, it was one hundred years ago, the eleventh hour,
of the eleventh day, of the eleventh month, that an armistice went into effect in
the battle-scarred French countryside. Anyone who has had the opportunity to
view the classic film, “All Quiet on the Western Front” (1930), starring Lew
Ayres, based on a classic novel by German World War I veteran Erich Maria
Remarque, will begin—but only begin—to fathom the barbarity of that conflict,
the suffering, the slaughter, and the mangled bodies, a whole generation of
young Englishmen and Frenchmen, forcibly wrenched from their societies, lives
extinguished. And in Germany: a nation and an historic and noble culture, with
millions dead and maimed, held up as irremediably guilty of the immensity of “war
guilt.”
But,
Austria-Hungary and Russia suffered even more severely. Austria, once one of
Europe’s great empires and the center of much of Western culture, the land of
Beethoven and Mozart, was literally castrated, huge swathes of its historic fatherland
sliced away arbitrarily and turned overnight into quarrelsome petty states,
none of which was satisfied with the treaties and boundaries that followed the
Armistice: a powder keg for future war. The ancient and revered Habsburg
dynasty, the inheritor of the old Holy Roman Empire of Charlemagne, was
summarily dispossessed, and Austria was left as a small rump state. As English
Lord Curzon described it: “A major European capital [Vienna] ruling over a
minor state, like Constantinople in the latter days of the Byzantine Empire.”
And
the effects on and in Russia were even more incalculable. The world’s largest
country, the seat of the 300 year old Romanov dynasty, the land of Peter the
Great, of Dostoyevsky, of Tchaikovsky, of Tolstoy, the Third Rome, the shield
and buckler against the Mongols and the Tartar hordes, in eight short months
fell to a fanatical clique, a monstrous cabal of violent Marxists intent of
remaking that country, subjugating the Russian Orthodox Church, and spreading
the Communist virus across Europe and the world. The vicious and criminal
execution of Tsar Nicholas II and his family at Yekaterinburg (July 17, 1918)
and of the sainted Grand Duchess Elizabeth and her family (July 18, 1918) in
Alapayevsk brought home in chilling detail the unparalleled brutality that the
war had unleashed. Elizabeth, who years prior to war had become a nun and who
had engaged in numerous charitable activities for the poor (and later for
Russian soldiers), was taken and, with family members and her household, cast down
a dank and deep mine shaft.
The
description of her martyrdom deserves to be told and repeated, for how many of
us could meet impending death as she did?
That night [July 17] the prisoners were
awakened and driven in carts on a road leading to the village of Siniachikha, near
Alapayevsk where there was an abandoned iron mine with a pit 66 feet deep. Here
they halted. The Cheka severely beat all the prisoners before throwing their
victims into this pit, Elisabeth being the first. Hand grenades were then
hurled down the shaft, but only one victim, Fyodor Remez, died as a result of
the grenades.
According to the personal account of
Vasily Ryabov, one of the killers, Elisabeth and the others survived the
initial fall into the mine, prompting Ryabov to toss in another grenade after
them. Following the explosion, he claimed to have heard Elisabeth and the
others singing an Orthodox hymn from the bottom of the shaft.
Unnerved,
Ryabov threw down a second grenade, but the singing continued. Finally a large
quantity of brushwood was shoved into the opening and set alight, upon which
Ryabov posted a guard over the site and departed [for fear that local peasants
would come to save them].
Early on 18 July 1918, the leader of
the Alapayevsk Cheka, Abramov, and the head of the Yekaterinburg Regional
Soviet, Beloborodov, who had been involved in the execution of the Imperial
Family, exchanged a number of telegrams in a pre-arranged plan saying that the
school had been attacked by an "unidentified gang". Lenin welcomed
Elisabeth's death, remarking that
"virtue with the crown on it is a greater enemy to the world
revolution than a hundred tyrant
tsars.”
It
is no wonder that the Russian Orthodox Church has canonized Elizabeth, and
rightly so, as a “New Martyr” who gave her life unselfishly for the Christian
faith (and indeed, more recently Tsar Nicholas and his family have been sainted
as martyrs as well).
After
the conclusion of World War I various historians began to examine and sift
through the records, the correspondence, the documents regarding the war and
its origins. And what became readily apparent was that perhaps unlike World War
II, the First World War was a conflict that did not have to happen, indeed, it
should not have happened. And that both the French and English foreign offices
had just as much blame for its initiation as the Germans or Austrians, perhaps
even more.
Back in 2014 the
distinguished historian, the late Dr. Ralph Raico (Professor at Buffalo State
College), authored an excellent article on the origins of the war that anyone
interested in how that war began should read [“And the War Came,” June 30,
2014, at: https://www.lewrockwell.com/2014/06/ralph-raico/wwi-revisionism/]. In his
conclusion Raico rightly concludes: “Britain’s entry into the war was
crucial. In more ways than one, it sealed the fate of the Central Powers.
Without Britain in the war, the United States would never have gone in.”
The German
historian Ernst Nolte [d. 2016] has made the case [in his unfortunately yet
untranslated volume, Der Europaische
Burgerkrieg (1987) – The European Civil War] that in a certain manner the
Second World War was a continuation of the First, that it was, in some ways, a
justifiable reaction to the extreme injustice and unresolved crises produced by
the imposed “peace” of 1919. While in no way legitimating the concentration
camps or executions committed by the Nazis, Nolte has argued that the German
reaction in the 1930s was both predictable and understandable, and that the
crimes perpetrated were comparable, perhaps even pale in comparison, to those
that can be laid at the door of Josef Stalin.
Be that as
it may, over 117,000 American “dough boys” died during the First World War and
another 204,000 were wounded (figures that pale, however, in comparison to
losses suffered by Russia: nearly four million dead, another five million
wounded; and the United Kingdom, over one million dead, with another 1.7
million wounded).
Europe—and the
world—would never be the same, and in so many ways historic European, Western
Christian culture, would never really recover. After surviving the French
Revolution and the various violent upheavals of the nineteenth century—after
the assaults of scientific and social Darwinism—after the
challenges of industrialism and tremendous social dislocation—after absorbing
the effects of triumphant political liberalism—after all these hurdles, in a
real sense, World War I effectively dismantled the fragile remaining
scaffolding, the structures in those nations, those empires, where something of
the older framework of what had been “Christendom”
still remained.
The “total
war” devastation of the Second World War completed that process, smashing to
smithereens the remnants of the old order, and more ominously, freeing triumphant
and victorious the unfettered spirit of universalized Progress. Sure, the
Communists participated in this triumph, but their interpretation of victory
was at odds with that of what became known as “the West.” For forty-five years
the forces of NATO looked wearily across the demarcation lines, across the Iron
Curtain at the forces of the Warsaw Pact.
We had
defeated one form of ferocious tyranny, but had replaced it with another just
as bad, and maybe even worse. Yet, both the West and the Soviet Bloc proclaimed
their progressivism and their belief in equality and democracy, albeit with
vastly different interpretations of that progressivism.
The fall of
the Berlin Wall and the virtual defenestration and final defeat of the KGB
commissars in August 1991 (for which Vladimir Putin, then vice-mayor of
Leningrad, deserves our eternal thanks, but won’t get it from American
mainstream media) should have signaled the real end of the Second World War,
but it only opened a new phase of world turmoil in which the forces of global
progressivism now proclaimed their inevitable triumph: the Communists, you see,
had become “old fashioned,” “reactionary,” “too stodgy and not revolutionary
enough.” But international progressivism, with its handmaidens of “world
democracy” and “global equality,” was only emboldened by the whimpering
disappearance of the Communist bureaucracy.
Neoconservative
writer, Francis Fukyama, in his
book The End of History and the Last Man (1992) argued that the worldwide spread of liberal democracies and free market capitalism of the West and its lifestyle could signal the end
point of humanity's sociocultural evolution and become the final form of human
government. Fellow Neoconservative Allan Bloom, in his The Closing of the American Mind (1987),
counselled the “imposition” of “American democratic and egalitarian values” on
the rest of the world; after all, we had won the war, so it was for us to
dictate the universal peace, indeed, “to force those who do not accept these
principles to do so.”
But is this what the millions of American men went
off to battle for in 1941-1945, and why over 400,000 died in remote places
like on the beaches of Anzio or in the Hurtgen Forest? To impose American-style
democracy and values over the far-off desert oases in Libya or in the jungles
of South Sudan, for what in effect has become “perpetual war for unobtainable
peace”?
I don’t think so. Whether American
intelligence or even Franklin Roosevelt knew about the impending Japanese
attack of Pearl Harbor, or not, once it occurred America was in World War II,
and nearly everyone, from pre-war anti-interventionists like Charles Lindbergh
to the most rabid Anglophile pulled together for the war effort.
I can recall numerous conversations with my own
father, a veteran, who served in the 101st Cavalry, a light tank
reconnaissance unit, and who was wounded in the Saar basin in 1945. Normally a gunner in
his tank, he had just traded positions with his close buddy, Dale Lackey, and piloted
the tank which then was hit by a Wehrmacht projectile, killing Lackey then in
the gunner’s position. If my dad had occupied that role, it would have been he
who was killed.
After the war my father and mother both made a
kind of pilgrimage to the site of Dale Lackey’s grave in Granite Falls, North
Carolina, to pay respects to my dad’s fallen comrade and his family.
And when I was born a few years later, I was
given the middle name “Dale” to honor that comradeship and that memory.
Like hundreds
of thousands of soldiers who fought and died in World War II, or in Korea, or
in Vietnam, my father fought for his country when his country called him to do
so. He asked few questions, he did his duty, like millions of other soldiers
from time immemorial have always done.
Frenzied visions
of imposing global democracy did not figure in his thinking; he did his duty
for love of country, he fought for his homeland, for his family, for honor,
and, also, for his comrades at arms…for Dale Lackey, and so many more like him.
And, so, today
and yesterday I honor my father’s service and the service of millions of other
Americans who have gone off to war, wars not of their making and sometimes
highly questionable in both origin and objectives. Yet they did their duty before
God. Some never came back and now rest in faraway cemeteries, some in unmarked
graves. We honor them and show them our respect and our appreciation for their unforgettable
sacrifice.
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