April 9,
2019
MY CORNER
by Boyd Cathey
CRITICAL
RACE THEORY, the Perversion of Our Education System, and the Verdict of Robert
Lewis Dabney
Friends,
Back last
year an OpEd piece showed up in The
[Raleigh NC] News & Observer [Friday, February 23, 2018], by one
Professor John Biewen, who is Audio Program Director at the Center for
Documentary Studies at Duke University in Durham, North Carolina. Professor
Biewen is illustrative of the wide influence—I would say stranglehold—that what
is termed “Critical Race Theory” [CRT] now exercises over academia, most
especially in our college law schools, and in departments of English and
Comparative Literature (but also now embedded in most other liberal arts
disciplines, including sociology, history and philosophy).
CRT
basically posits that “historic white racism and oppression” and “systemic white
privilege and supremacy” are inseparably integral to Western Christian society,
historic realities that characterize and have defined our history. They are central
to our inherited culture, and thus the examination and evaluation of our past
and our various disciplines of knowledge and study must necessarily be
refocused and take account of their dominating presence.
Such
evaluation, inevitably, leads to an understanding that at base Western society
is structurally and inherently unequal, and inflexibly prejudiced against
non-whites and non-Europeans, and that the received structures, legal
framework, mores, and social usages of Western society require radical reform
and restructuring.
As CRT
posits that the accumulated past is, by definition, unjust and a deep-seated history
of systemic oppression by dominant white populations, often through violence,
enslavement, and economic despoliation, any remediation must be essentially radical.
And thus, the old classical “liberal” idea of “equality” and “equal justice”
and “merit” (as remedies) must be completely redefined.
Instead,
reaching this new brand of “equality” must entail and require, among other
actions: reparations for endless past injustices, criminalization of what is
deemed “hate speech,” and special compensatory privileges (extreme affirmative
action) extended to designated minorities, that is, the ones that CRT determines as having been “oppressed” by the “power structure.”
In
academia, on our college campuses, this means the suppression of anything
deemed to be “hate speech,” and special preferences (which are not based on
merit) for those designated and formerly “oppressed” minorities, the
transformation of school curricula to reflect these CRT theories and
ideological goals, and the connivance and at least tacit cooperation of college
administrators.
In a
real sense, CRT dictates a kind of totalitarianism, academically and
culturally. Since the “white oppressors” by definition incarnate “evil,” in fact they deserve no respect or real consideration. As they have
“oppressed” the downtrodden peoples of the Third World for centuries, they must
be made to give way, to cede their power and authority, to continually grovel
and apologize profusely for their past “sins” (which, in actuality, can never
be fully expiated). In short, they must now experience the brunt of a furious,
perhaps at times violent, ongoing revolution and a resultant deprivation of
their “privileges.”
CRT now, in fact, dominates (even if not named)
most all our national conversations about “race and racism,” and a stultifying
and widespread political correctness on the topic has been imposed in academia
and in our culture generally.
And a “sister” theorization of radical feminism—“gender studies”—operates and dominates equally in the area of
discussion over the “role” and “rights” of women in our society, openly denying the historic
and natural roles of men and women, replacing them with a so-called “sexual
equality,” which in fact entails the destruction of historic masculinity and
the politicization of sexual functionality.
As CRT
is manifested in just about every discussion, in just about every question that
arises these days concerning in any way race or racial questions, both national
political parties now buy into its template. The Democrats now fully embrace it
as their governing narrative; the Republicans, while often restless about its
more radical manifestations, still acknowledge de facto its significance and power, and, normally, do not
challenge its intellectual hegemony and control in society.
Want
to discover the actual basis for the unbridled and frenzied hatred of
Confederate monuments—or of the hatred of stricter voting laws—or of the
attacks on perceived “police brutality” (directed at blacks)—or of countless
other assaults on envisioned examples of “white oppression” and “white
privilege,” then CRT is the explanation.
And it
is the conjunction of CRT with Cultural Marxist theory about culture—and the
gradual undermining and transformation of traditional society—that has produced
what we see on most college campuses (and increasingly in public schools), and
what we observe now reigning triumphant in Hollywood, what is constantly
broadcast via the Mainstream Media, what permeates our politics, and, yes, in
how our very language is being shaped, censored and abused.
It is,
in short, a multifaceted Revolution against both God and Man, against the
Divine Positive Law and against the very laws of God-given Nature. It is an
advance unit of the “rough beast” (to use William Butler Yeats’
poetic imagery), of the Anti-Christ, itself. And above all it must be met in
spiritual battle, but it also must be opposed on every front resolutely,
totally and to the very death.
Recall
the lines from Robert Bolt’s “The Man for All Seasons,” when St. Thomas More
was able to cross-examine Richard Rich (his lying accuser): “Why
Richard, it profits a man nothing to give his soul for the whole world... but
for Wales?”
We weigh what is at stake; we cannot
sacrifice our souls “for Wales.” We must stand against these epigones of Evil
and send them back to the lower reaches of Hell from whence they came.
And that means rigorous educational
reform—steps like greatly increased home-schooling and starting new religiously-based
private schools (and colleges).
My friend Dr. Clyde Wilson suggests that
our public colleges (and probably many of our public schools) should be
napalmed. Irrespective of that increasingly appealing solution, eventual privatization
of our public education and an ironclad insistence that our colleges return to
their original mission (even if that means firing every professor on the
faculty at the end of the school year, before vetting and rehiring some of them
back) should be de riguer a constant
goal.
And foremost, we must at the beginning
recognize that the very concept of “equality,” itself, the old classic liberal
totem that has regulated much of American life and dictated American ideals
since the conclusion of the War Between the States, is not what our country’s
Founders envisaged, and that they understood that the liberal idea of
“equality” (whether of result or
opportunity) violated God-given human nature and the natural order of things.
One-hundred and forty years ago, the great
Southern theologian and polemicist, Robert Lewis Dabney, debated the first Virginia
Superintendent of Public Education William Ruffner over public, state-run
education. “Providence, social laws, and parental virtues and efforts, do
inevitably legislate in favor of some classes of boys,” he declared. “If the
State undertakes to countervail that legislation of nature by leveling action,
the attempt is wicked, mischievous, and futile.” Dabney understood that there could be no such
thing as secular or value-free education. Could education really be education
if it educated “the mind without purifying the heart?” Dabney answered: “There
can be no true education without moral culture, and no true moral culture
without Christianity.” All basic issues in life were at their core religious
and ethical issues, and to believe that the state should replace the parent as
primary purveyor of education was to undermine the Founders’ vision of the old
republic.
In short, our politicians and leaders
should be reading and quoting John C. Calhoun—and Robert Lewis Dabney—and
avoiding the high-flying rhetoric of Abraham Lincoln.
The alternative is the end of our culture
and of our civilization.
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